Universidade Federal do Acre

Floristics and Economic Botany of Acre, Brazil
Florística e Botânica Econômica do Acre, Brasil

Richard Wallace (Tropical Conservation and Development Program, 319 Grinter Hall, University of Florica, Gainesville, Florida 32611). Use, extraction methods and yield estimates for three palm fruits in the Chico Mendes extractive reserve: implications for market-oriented extraction. Adv. in Econ. Bot. x:xx-xx 1999. The state of Acre in the southwest Brazilian Amazon has a great diversity of palm species but we know little about how forest families extract and use them and their potential yield of palm fruits for market-oriented exploitation. This paper analyzes how rubber tappers in the Chico Mendes Extractive Reserve use and extract three palm fruits: açaí (Euterpe precatoria), Oencocarpus mapora (bacaba) and Oenocarpus bataua (patauá). Transects of .5 ha were mapped to estimate potential fruit yield at various landholdings in the reserve. Families extract fruits principally to make vinho, a thick juice concentrate consumed as a beverage or eaten with the addition of manioc flour. Households extract fruits by climbing or cutting the palm stems with height of the stem an important determinant of extraction method employed. Market-oriented extraction will necessarily involve extracting fruits from the highest palms and training in the most efficient climbing methods and making safety equipment available will facilitate participation of families interested in this activity. Yield estimates differ widely among study landholdings and many families may not have the production volume sufficient to singularly supply urban buyers. Market-oriented extraction of these three fruits will be best undertaken by families working together, sharing fruit resources, labor and in-forest transport.

Key words: non-timber forest products; yield; Euterpe precatoria; Oencocarpus mapora; Oenocarpus bataua; extraction, Brazilian Amazon; rubber tappers

One of the challenges facing forest families seeking ways to diversify and increase their incomes is identifying products and markets. Non-timber forest products, including fruits, fibers, oils and dyes and their processed derivatives, present a number of potential options to explore as a means to complement and supplement current income sources (Anderson 1989, Clay 1992, Clay 1993, Daly 1990, Peters and Hammond 1990, Schwartzman 1991). Previous studies in the Peruvian Amazon (Coomes 1995, Padoch, 1992, 1990, 1988 and 1987) have demonstrated both the historical and current importance of non-timber forest products as an income earner for both forest households and urban traders.

In Acre, palm species represent a logical line of research as the state has a great diversity of palm species (Daly 1990) and local markets for many native palm fruits species already exist (pers.obs.). A key will be identifying fruits that can be extracted and marketed without killing the resource while ecological research can be carried out to shed light on the longer term sustainability of market-oriented extractive activities.

This paper examines current use and extraction of three palm fruits, Euterpe precatoria Mart. (Palmae), Oencocarpus mapora H. Karst (Palmae) , Oenocarpus bataua Mart. (Palmae) Yield estimates of fruits are presented based on .5 hectare transects on rubber tapper landholdings. All three palm fruits are currently extracted for household use by rubber tapper families in the Chico Mendes Extractive Reserve in Acre and commercialized in the city of Rio Branco. Understanding current household use and extraction practices of these species can help identify potential barriers to market-oriented extraction and provide direction in identifying training and assistance needs.

I conclude that market-oriented extraction of these three fruits will be best undertaken by families working together, sharing fruit resources, labor and in-forest transport. Yield estimates varied widely among study landholdings and some families may not have the production volume to singularly participate in market-oriented activities. Families currently extract fruit for household use by both climbing and felling the palm stem. Market oriented-oriented extraction will necessarily involve the climbing of the highest palms and training in the most efficient climbing methods and making safety equipment available to interested families will facilitate rubber tapper participation in this activity. Local organizations which already provide extension services are well placed to help support community linkages with urban buyers and coordinate training for interested families.

Research Site

Field research was carried out in the in Chico Mendes Extractive Reserve in the southeast corner of the state of Acre. This reserve was created in 1990, the result of what was a violent struggle for land rights and social justice pitting rubber tappers against ranchers (see Hecht and Cockburn 1989, Schwartzman 1992). The reserve is named after Francisco "Chico" Mendes, a rubber tapper, rural union leader and founder of the Xapuri Agro-Extractive Cooperative (CAEX). He was one of many poor rubber tappers murdered in this struggle.

The concept of extractive reserves was first proposed by the rubber tappers at a meeting in the Brazilian capital Brasilia, in 1985. At this meeting, the National Council of Rubber Tappers was established and rubber tappers proposed the creation of extractive reserves, defined by Allegretti (1990) as "public lands designated for the specific purpose of sustainable use of forest products...[with] property rights designated according to traditional patterns of land use rather that imported models of occupation," In other words, the boundaries of these landholdings, or colocações, are determined by resources rather than by conventional geographic shapes: rubber tree trails and/or Brazil nut trees mark boundaries between landholdings. Rubber tappers living in the reserve were given 30 year usufruct rights to the forest resources on their landholdings.

The Chico Mendes Extractive Reserve is the largest extractive reserve in Brazil with an area of approximately 970,000 hectares stretching across five municipalities in the state: Xapuri, Brasiléia, Assis Brasil, Sena Madeireira and Rio Branco. There are an estimated 1,834 families living in the reserve spread over 46 seringais, or rubber tree tracts or forests, which fall in part or whole in the reserve (CNS, 1992). These forest areas were previously established and owned by seringalistas, or rubber barons, who allowed rubber tappers to live and tap rubber on landholdings on these estates. They now serve as the basis for the organization of many cultural, social and economic activities in the reserve, including community organization, elementary education, religious practice, cooperative post trading and even soccer teams.

Three forest areas, or communities, in the municipality of Xapuri were selected for study implementation: seringal Floresta, the community of Rio Branco; seringal Boa Vista, the community of São João de Guarani, and; seringal Filipinas, the community of Terra Alta. They were identified and selected in coordination with the Xapuri Association of Rubber Tappers of the Chico Mendes Reserve (AMOREX), a community-based association which oversees socio-economic development activities in the area of the municipality of Xapuri which falls in the reserve.

Methods

This paper presents data collected over a period of approximately 18 months during which a preliminary and three subsequent visits were made to each of the study community. In the Chico Mendes Reserve, the study initially included five volunteer families from each of the three forest communities. General guidelines for family participation included: 1) families should reside in the reserve; 2) families should live in the seringal, or forest area, of the community (one exception was made); 3) families could not be acting as marreteiros, or intermediaries, in the selling process, but rather would be traditional extractivist families; 4) families should live within approximately two hours hiking distance from the community center, and; 5) preference would be given to families that indicated experience of household use of at least one of the three palm fruits being studied.

Data collection involved various tools and activities. An initial study visit of two nights and two to three days was made to each of the five volunteer households of each community to obtain an initial understanding of the rubber tapper culture, gather preliminary data on the extraction and use of the selected products, and collect data on the current system of commercialization for traditional extractive products - rubber and Brazil nuts - within each community. On this initial visit, informal interviews, participant observation and a participatory map-making activity of the landholding. On the second visit, which included one day and one evening at core study households, a formal questionnaire was implemented. This questionnaire was developed based on data collected during the first visit. It included questions to obtain detailed information on extraction and household use of the three palm species.

Data for yield estimates for the three palm species was collected at 14 households. Transect data was collected using a rapid appraisal technique, developed with assistance from researchers at the Zoobotanical Park of Federal University of Acre (UFAC), to minimize the amount of time to implement this exercise. Transect location was identified by the rubber tapper family at each landholding: families were asked to identify an area on their landholding richest in these three palm species and suggest the direction of the transect. Using a two meter stick and compass, a 250 meter transect was first marked off with flags placed every 25 meters. On the return, the number of adult trees estimated to fall within 10 meters of both sides of the transect line were noted and the fruit producing inflorescences, or bunches, counted.

While recognizing that this method is rapid and designed to provide very basic data on production potential of the three palm species, a few problems are worth noting. The transects were directed to the location where we would encounter the greatest population of the three palm species. Kahn’s (1988) study of economically important palms in the Peruvian Amazon found that although E. precatoria, Oenocarpus-Jessenia bataua and O. mapora occur in similar forest ecosystems, the population of O. mapora was less dense and therefore exhibited less economic potential. Also, an assumption is made that all inflorescences could be harvested before predation.

During a third visit to each community, formal interviews were conducted with additional families within the three study communities to increase the sample size and provide richer information on household use and extraction of the palms. A total (including the initial 14 families) of 43 families were interviewed and 39 included in the study. Four interviews were excluded from the analysis: two families had moved to their landholdings during 1996/1997, one acted as an intermediary in 1996 and only partial data was collected for an additional family due to time constraints.

Prices used to put a value on the yield estimates of each transect were collected at merchant locations in the city of Rio Branco. Prices were collected every other week during the research period. Two students from the Department of Economics of UFAC assisted in data collection in the local market. The price used to estimate production value is the US$ equivalent of the price of the fruits during their harvest season. It represents the price payed to regional suppliers by local processors for whole fruit. During the research period, a retail market was not observed for any of açaí, bacaba or patauá. A similar valuation method was used by Peters, Gentry and Mendelsohn (1989) in their valuation of one hectare of Peruvian rainforest. I have chosen to use the harvest season price rather than an average price which would be higher (particularly in the case of açaí) as the purchase price of fruit is higher when fruit is out of season.

Godoy et al. (1993) suggest the value of a non-timber forest product be measured by the forest gate price minus the cost of extraction. This was not possible for this study as the study fruits are not currently commercialized from the Chico Mendes Extractive Reserve. Hence there is not a forest gate price. Estimations of the cost of extraction would vary significantly with regard to a family’s ability to climb the palms. In addition, plugging in a figure to estimate extraction costs based on extraction for household use would underestimate labor expenditures: extrapolating time allocation for climbing numerous trees based on the time to climb one or two trees would not factor in the considerable fatigue that sets in after the initial one or two trees are climbed. The market value figure used, while not perfect, will provide a general idea of potential yield and value of the study species.

Study Species

Study species were identified in coordination with AMOREX and researchers and students at the Zoobotanical Park of UFAC. There were two criteria: 1) the products would be native to the region, and therefore familiar to the families in the reserve and periodically collected for use in their homes, and possibly commercialized, and; 2) the products would have a market in Rio Branco-- the study would not attempt to evaluate the potential demand for a new product but rather research the current market activities surrounding a group of products and analyze the possibility of entering local markets in the short term.

Initial site visits in the Chico Mendes Reserve crossed with preliminary research in the Rio Branco market led to the identification of three palm fruits for study: açaí (Euterpe precatoria), patauá (Oenocarpus bataua) and bacaba (Oenocarpus mapora). The fruits of these three species are currently sold in the Rio Branco marketplace and processed into a thick, juice concentrate commonly referred to locally as vinho (pronounced v_n-y_). This concentrate is generally consumed in two ways: adding sugar and manioc (Manihot esculenta) flour and eaten with a spoon, or by adding sugar and water, and consumed as a beverage. Açaí concentrate is also used to make ice cream and popsicles.

Açaí has strong market acceptance in Rio Branco while the markets for patauá and bacaba are less developed (personal observation). The high oil content of bacaba and patauá was identified as one reason for low consumer demand; conversations with processors and consumers during the study period revealed that many consumers believe the high oil content of patauá and bacaba causes liver ailments.

Species Descriptions

EUTERPE PRECATORIA

Euterpe precatoria Mart. is a single stemmed palm found throughout the Amazon basin and also Central America. It is one of the seven Euterpe species which Henderson et al. (1995) describe as "easily recognizable by their slender, gray stems, prominent crownshaft and narrow, pendulous leaves." It is one of the most widespread and common species in the genus (Henderson 1995). In the Amazon, it is most often found in seasonally inundated swamp forests (Kahn 1988) and river margins up to 350 meters above sea level (Henderson et al. 1995 and Peres 1994) but can also be found in mountainous regions up to 2,000 meters. While palm height has been estimated to 20 meters (Henderson et al. 1995, Kahn 1988 and Kuchmeister et al. 1997), rubber tappers in this study estimated palm height to 30 meters. Tree diameter is from 4-23 centimeters. In this study, trees produced from one to four inflorescences. Fruit are globose and .9-1.3 centimeters in diameter (Henderson et al. 1995). Extractors in Rio Branco estimated that one inflorescence, or fruit bunch, could produce up to approximately one lata, or 18 liter can of fruit, equivalent to approximately 15 kilos. The principal harvest months for fruit are April through October with the height of the season in the months of June through August.

Euterpe oleracea Mart., a multi-stemmed palm also called açaí, bearing similar fruit, is also found in Brazil, principally in the Eastern Amazon where both fruit and palm heart are harvested. Fruit use is similar to E. precatoria. Strudwick and Sobel (1988) provide a comprehensive description, including photographs, of the uses of E. oleracea in the Eastern Amazon. Anderson and Ioris (1992) discuss the potential for E. oleracea management in Para.

OENOCARPUS MAPORA

Oenocarpus mapora H. Karst. is a cluster-stemmed species found in northwestern South America and in southern Central America, one of nine species of the genus. It is most commonly found in lowland rainforest and seasonally flooded areas but also non-inundated terra firma, up to 1000 meters. O. mapora has from 2-12 stem clusters with stems reaching a height to 15 meters with a diameter ranging form 4-17 centimeters (Henderson et al. 1995). Up to two inflorescences per stem were observed in this study. Fruit are dark purple, single-seeded and ovoid in shape, 2-3 centimeters long and 1.5-2.5 centimeters in diameter (Henderson et al. 1995). The harvest season months for fruit are November through April, with the high season in the months of January through March.

OENOCARPUS BATAUA

O. bataua is part of the Jessenia-Oenocarpus complex; Balick (1986) has placed it in its own genus. It is a single stemmed palm grows to a height of 26 meters and 14-24 centimeters in diameter and is found throughout the Amazon, south to central Brazil and extending northwest to Panama. It is commonly found in lowland forest, with large tracts formed in inundated forests (Henderson et al. 1995). It is usually found at low elevations, but can also be found in Eastern Andean slopes up to 1000 meters. Kahn (1988) notes that J. bataua is infrequently found in upland (terra firma) forests in Peru. Up to four inflorescences were observed during the study period. Fruit are elliptical in shape, single-seeded and dark purple when ripe. They measure 2.5-4.5 centimeters in length and 2.2-2.5 centimeters in diameter. Balick (1986) provides a comprehensive description, including use of the Jessenia-Oenocarpus complex. Families in the study indicated that fruit may be harvested throughout the year.

Rubber Tapper Use of E. precatoria, O. mapora and O. bataua

Kainer and Duryea (1992) provide a comprehensive study of women’s knowledge of the most commonly used plant resources, both native and non-native species, in the Cachoera Extractive Reserve, located south and east of the Chico Mendes Reserve in Acre. Among them are E. precatoria, O. mapora and O. bataua. Here I complement their analysis providing more specific details about the use of these three species and in some cases augmenting their discussion with additional uses. Other studies by Boom (1988) of the Chacabo Indians in Bolivia, Davis and Yost (1983) of the Waorani Indians in Ecuador and Glenboski (1983) of the Tukunu Indians in Colombia detail indigenous uses of at least one of these three species, many of which differed from the findings of this study, particularly in terms of medicinal uses of plant parts.

Rubber tapper families in the study indicated various uses of E. precatoria, including: beverage, medicinal, and construction. One principal use is the processing of açaí fruit into vinho. The method for processing fruit into this thick concentrate is described in depth by Strudwick and Sobel (1988) in their study of E. oleracea in the eastern Brazilian Amazon. Briefly summarized, this in-forest process is carried out in three steps. First, the fruit is heated in a kettle of water to loosen the mesocarp from the seed. The water is kept at low heat and not brought to boil, which allows the processor to continually stir the liquid by hand as it heats, ensuring adequate heat for all the fruit. Hand stirring also aids in the loosening/softening of the mesocarp by lightly massaging the warming fruit.

Second, the fruit is taken off the fire and worked again, more vigorously, with both hands. The fruit is then pounded with a blunt tool (a liter sized soft drink of beer bottle) to further separate the mesocarp from the seed. During this process the liquid begins to thicken and seeds are slowly siphoned off by hand.

Third, with seeds now removed, the thick liquid is passed through a tightly woven basket to sift-off the seed skin from the juice concentrate. This sifting process is repeated two or more times until a smooth thick purplish liquid is present. As mentioned above, the concentrate is most often consumed with sugar and manioc flour immediately after processing when it is most fresh. In the absence of sugar, garape -- the liquid extracted from sugar cane -- is added to sweeten the concentrate. Strudwick and Sobel (1988) describe the taste of açaí as "creamy, metallic and slightly oily"which seems to be a reasonable description. I would add that it has a slightly grainy texture as well.

Other parts of E. precatoria are also used. The palm leaves are used to stuff mattresses and pillows. Leaves are also used as a straining device in one step in the procedure for processing manioc root into flour. This step involves the pressing recently harvested roots free of water. Açaí palm leaves are wrapped tightly around skinned manioc root to keep the white root flesh intact as it is pressed. The tall, straight palm stems are also used by forest families in construction. The stem is split and used in the construction of walls and floors for houses and storage sheds. The stem is also used in the construction of fences to encircle home gardens. Tall stem pieces fit snugly together to keep animals from entering or, in the case of chickens, from flying over the fence.

Families indicated a number of medicinal uses for the palm roots. Roots are boiled into tea for the treatment of fever, an aching liver, hepatitis, [tirica] or as an anti-venom for poisonous snake and insect bites. However, of all families participating in this study, only one had actually used the açaí root for treatment, in this case for hepatitis. None of the families in the study extract the palm crown for the palm heart, a practice which has devastated palm populations in other areas (Kahn and de Granville 1995).

OENOCARPUS MAPORA

The fruit of O. mapora, like açaí, is used by families to make vinho. An identical process as described above is used. The resulting liquid is a brownish purple color compared to the dark purple of açaí vinho. I found bacaba to have a nutty, chocolate flavor with an oily, slightly grainy texture. The oily texture is more pronounced than that found in açaí juice.

Other palm parts are also used. Leaflet midveins are used in construction and artisan production. Leaves palms are stripped away and the midvein is carved open and cut into thin fibrous strips. The fiber is used in home construction to help secure crossing support beams and to produce diverse artisan products, in particular, peneiras, or sifting baskets. The bacaba stem is also an important construction resource. Because the stem is generally straight and thin (thinner than the açaí stem), it is commonly used as a ceiling beam or railing for building structures, gates, fences or felled for a foot bridge in the forest. In one community, the stem was used as a post on which a solar panel (to power a ham radio) was secured.

When split, the bacaba stem is used in the construction of chiceiras, small cage-like structures, approximately .5 meters wide by 1 meter length by .5 meters height. They are built to feed baby chicks -- the small gaps allow small chicks to enter but prohibit larger animals from entering and eating the food tossed inside. No families in the study indicated they use oil made from the bacaba fruit or knew of any potential medicinal properties of the bacaba palm.

OENOCARPUS BATAUA

The fruit of O. bataua is also processed into vinho. It is similar in color and in taste to bacaba, although the color is slightly more brown and texture more oily. A few families have extracted oil from the fruit for household use. Patauá oil has near identical properties to olive oil and there has been extensive research in the Colombia Amazon on the possibility of developing small-scale agro-industrial production of the this by-product (Balick, 1988). The process for in-home production of patauá oil mirrors that for producing fruit concentrate, with a few differences.

First, the fruit is placed in water and put over heat for approximately 15-20 minutes without bringing it to boil. The fruit is taken from the water and place in a pan and the mesocarp is separated from the seed. A small amount of water is added back in and hands are used to help remove the mesocarp from the seed. A small amount of manioc flour or salt can be added to the thickening thick liquid to give it more body. The seeds and the fruit skin are then taken out of the liquid with a sifting basket used to filter off the skin.

At this point, there are two interim courses which can be followed: 1) let the liquid sit for a day, allowing the thick concentrate to separate from the water introduced in the previous stem. This thick concentrate is then ladled out of the liquid for heating or; 2) heat the entire concentrate containing the added water with concentrate. The thick concentrate is then heated to a boil. The oil, which rises to the top of the pan, is then spooned off. As the oil may still contain impurities or water, the oil may be boiled again, with water boiled-off and impurities spooned-out.

One women stated that during this process it is important that no-one walk in and observe the process of boiling the fruit concentrate and the spooning off of patauá oil. If someone should appear, the concentrate, when heated will result in a greatly reduced amount of oil.

Once produced patauá oil has various domestic uses. It is in cooking, principally to fry and season game meat. The oil is also used as a hair care product, to perfume hair and straighten curls. Families have also used patauá oil to clean and oil shotguns.

Other parts of O. bataua are also used. Palm leaves are used for thatching roofs and also to weave large makeshift baskets for hauling large quantities of harvested fruit from the forest to the household. The stem is also used, but much less than that of açaí or bacaba. Only two uses were identified: in the forest the palm stem is sometimes felled for use as a footbridge over wide streams which require a long and sturdy bridge; split, the stem is used in fence construction around home gardens.

Frequency of Use of Study Species

The fruit of these three palms is, in the short term, the most marketable of the palm parts which can be extracted without killing the palm. Informal interviews with families during the first visit indicated that families did use the palm fruits in the household for producing the thick juice concentrate. On my second visit, I asked families more specifically how often they had used these fruits to make vinho in the last harvest season.

Most of the families in the study have used açaí, bacaba and patauá to make the fresh fruit concentrate although logically frequency of use varied among the three fruits and among families. E. precatoria is the most popular among the three and 34 of 39 families indicated they have extracted the fruit to make vinho. Of these 34 families, 27 indicated they made the concentrate at least once during the 1996 harvest season. Frequency of use ranged from one to 10 times, with 17 using açaí from one to three times. The most common response was two times, with an average of 3.5 times.

Use of O. mapora was slightly less frequent. The same number of families, 34 of 39, indicated they have extracted bacaba for processing into vinho. However, only 22 did so during the during the 1996/1997 harvest season. Of these 22 families, frequency of use ranged from 1 to 10 times, with 13 using bacaba 1 to 3 times; the most common response was three times, with an average of 3.3 times.

The least utilized of these three fruits is O.bataua. Although 30 of 39 families indicated they have extracted the fruit for vinho, only 11 of these 30 families did so in 1996. Seven of these 11 families used patauá only once, with three families using patauá twice. One family indicated they had used this fruit 10 times.

Families that do not use one of more of these three fruits gave various reasons (in not particular order): 1) the family does not have time to extract fruit; 2) since the area became part of the Chico Mendes Extractive Reserve they no longer use these fruits as their previous method of collection was by cutting down the palms; 3) the family does not have sugar in their home, or does not want to use the limited sugar they have to make juice, and; 4) the family has only a very small population of these three species on their landholding (in one case, the previous landholding had cut down all of the patauá palms), 5) in the case of O. bataua, the fruit is oily and causes liver problems and; 6) climbing is dangerous and the parents did not want to risk injury or death by having one of their children climbing palms.

Methods of Palm Fruit Extraction: Climbing Versus Cutting

There are two primary methods of extraction of these three palm fruits: shimmying-up the palm trunk and cutting off the inflorescence or cutting down the entire palm, thereby killing it. Responses differed for the three palm fruits as the palms differ in terms of facileness to climb. The single-stemmed E. precatoria palms can be high but they have a reasonable sized diameter stem (4-23 cm) to shimmy-up. The multi-stemmed O. mapora palms are not as high as E. precatoria and the fruit bunches are lower, but the stem diameter is smaller (4-17 cm) making it more difficult to climb. In addition, the fruit bunches of O. mapora are smaller and produce less fruit than E. precatoria and the extractor must climb more palms to collect an amount of fruit equivalent to climbing one E. precatoria palm with a comparative number of inflorescences. The single-stemmed O. bataua is the most difficult palm to climb because of the thick stem (15-45 cm). In addition, the fruit bunches can be quite high on the palm. Yet, O. bataua does maintain an advantage in terms of fruit production per inflorescence, with one inflorescence producing a comparatively greater quantity of fruit than either E. precatoria or O. mapora.

Males are the principal extractors of each of these palm fruits. Women and children often help with stripping the fruits from the rachillae and placing them into a sack for transporting back to their home. Climbing the palms to extract fruit is a difficult task requiring considerable lower and upper body strength. The only piece of climbing equipment sometimes used is a piece of cloth or canvas-like material, locally referred to as a peconha. This cloth is tied into a loop and wrapped around the climbers feet and used to grip the palm as the climber alternately uses his arms and legs to shimmy up the stem. The rope or material provides a larger surface to grip the tree and better leverage for climbing; however, some climbers use only their bare feet. Strudwick and Sobel (1988) noted that açaizeiros in the eastern Amazon make peconhas by twisting açaí leaves around the rachis. Safety belts or ropes are not used.

Once the palm is climbed, a small knife, usually concealed in the waistband of the climber, is used to cut the inflorescence from the stem. In the case of E. precatoria and O. mapora, the inflorescences are cut and carried to the ground by the climber. They are less bulky and lighter than inflorescences of O. bataua and carrying them eliminates the need to scour the ground for small fruits which separate from the rachillae when dropped. When descending, the climber cradles the inflorescences, often more than one, between his chest and arms. This descent can be very rapid with the climber using his feet and hands to moderate his speed as he slides down the palm stem. In the case of O. bataua, the fruit bunch is cut and allowed to fall to the ground as they are heavy and bulky.

I mentioned above that climbing and cutting are the two primary methods of extraction. In the case of O. bataua, another method is also used. During the research, I observed one family cut a nearby tree and use it as a ladder to reach the inflorescences of the palm: a tall thin tree was selected, footholds quickly chiseled out with a machete, and the trunk leaned against the palm stem. The extractor climbs the "ladder" to the height of the inflorescences, transfers and secures himself onto the palm and then cuts off the ripe inflorescences. This method maintains the resource for future extraction although results in the killing of one neighboring tree each year. This method is only done when the inflorescences are not high on the palm.

Extraction methods vary among study families and among the three species. For E. precatoria, 18 of 34 families who have collected fruit always climb, while nine always cut and seven climb only shorter palms. For O. mapora, only 16 of 34 families climb; eight always cut, with ten cutting or climbing, depending on the thickness of the palm stem. For O. bataua, only 7 of 28 families climb each time they extract. Fourteen families always cut the palm and seven either climb or cut, depending on palm height and diameter.

The processing of fruit for consumption in the household is not a frequent activity and the amounts extracted normally involve the climbing or cutting of only a few palms each year, for those families consuming fruit. However, extracting fruit for the market would be very different activity requiring fruit from many more palms. This would undoubtedly involve pursuing inflorescences on taller palms which produce a greater amount of fruit but are more difficult to climb, as families normally pursue inflorescences on palms which are easier to climb. Phillips (1993) argues that as most palm fruits ripen on the fruit tree, the majority of fruit is not accessible without cutting the trees. Cutting palms to supply the market would certainly be devastating to the population. Any hope for sustainable market-oriented extraction would have to based on extraction by climbing. This would require a family member who could climb numerous palms over a short period of time, a difficult and dangerous task. One rubber tapper told me he would not allow his children to extract fruit from the higher palms given the risk of severe injury or death.

Yield Estimates of Study Species

Fruit yield was estimated using a rapid appraisal technique in which 250 meter by 20 meter transects were measured out at 14 landholdings in three communities and the number of adult palms and inflorescences noted. This activity was carried out with the assistance of a young rubber tapper who assisted at each landholding and a family member at each landholding. The family member lead us to the area in the landholding believed to be richest with these palm species and identified the direction the transect would follow. Landholdings varied in size from approximately 300 hectares to 1,200 hectares (one hectare is equivalent to approximately 2 ½ acres).

The number of inflorescences to produce one can (18 liters or 15 kilos) of each fruit was estimated based on conversations with an experienced açaizeiro, a local extractor who lives in the city of Rio Branco and regularly supplies fruit to urban processors. He has also worked as a processor in the Rio Branco market. His estimations were as follows: E. precatoria - three inflorescences; O. mapora - five inflorescences and; O. bataua - one inflorescence. It should be noted that these were estimates of average production. For example, the açaizeiro indicated that a single large inflorescence of E. precatoria could produce 15 kilos of fruit.

Table 1 shows the results of the transects and includes a calculation of the market value of fruit based on sale prices in the city of Rio Branco. The market value of potential production of landholdings varies widely, from no value to $120.76. Transects on two landholdings in the community of Rio Branco demonstrated the highest market values. However, much of this value is from the patauá population which currently has a limited market in Rio Branco. This is true for the other landholdings as well. Looking only at E. precatoria, the market values are quite modest in comparison. Notable is the low number of inflorescences produced by O. mapora palms. The transects which contained the largest number of E. precatoria and O. bataua palms were found in low lying areas, in some cases flooded from seasonal rain, along the banks of small streams, as opposed to higher ground. This would confirm the findings of palm ecology studies carried out in the western Amazon detailed and discussed by Kahn and de Granville (1995).

E. precatoria, O. mapora and O. bataua each have multiple and important uses for forest households. They serve as a source for food, beverage, oil, medicinal, and construction purposes. The most common use of the palm fruits is for making a thick, juice concentrate which is most often consumed with manioc flour. Notable is that not all families extract fruit by climbing, and this is particularly true for patauá, the most difficult of the three palms to climb. Many families indicated that they cut down the stems when harvesting fruit from the higher palms. Market oriented extraction will undoubtedly involve harvesting from the highest palms. Extraction by cutting palm stems would be disastrous for the landholding population and could leave many families without the resource for important traditional uses.

The rapid assessment carried out indicates that not all families may have palm resources sufficient for commercial exploitation. The market value of .5 ha population of each of these fruits, fell well below the market value placed on other native fruits in the western Amazon. Peters and Hammond (1990), in a study carried out in three separate sites in the Peruvian Amazon found 1 ha populations of Myrciaria dubia (Myrtaceae), Grias peruviana (Lecythidaceae) and Spondias mombim (Anacardiaceae) producing fruit with a value of $5700 to $7620, $4242, and $378 each year, respectively. Adjusted for transect size, the value of the three palm fruits in this study is considerably lower. Even landholdings which exhibit higher fruit potential production may not have production sufficient to supply urban buyers throughout the harvest season.

Are these fruits the right products for commercial exploitation? It seems clear that a single family would find it extremely difficult to supply an urban processor with fruit on a regular basis. Market-oriented fruit extraction for these three fruits will be best undertaken by families working together. Families can match their resources -- plants, labor, and transport -- with that of others, facilitating participation when individual resource limitations would inhibit taking part in market-oriented extraction. Training in the most efficient climbing methods and making safety equipment available to interested families will facilitate rubber tapper participation.

Beyond in-forest activities, families would benefit from assistance in the identification of regional transport opportunities and introduction to urban buyers in Rio Branco. This is particularly true when local markets already exist. Local non-governmental organizations, many already assisting reserve families with research and extension activities, can play an important role in helping make these linkages. Often it involves simply taking a small group of rubber tappers to talk with local fruit processors. This simple step can go a long way in helping rubber tappers understand the needs of buyers and how these needs fit with their own resources. Families may be best served by the identification of a basket of products, each sold in smaller quantities to local markets throughout the year and contributing modestly but annually to family income.

Literature Cited

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Table 1. Selling place for rubber, selling price, percent of sales per location, travel time to selling point in three communities in the Chico Mendes Extractive Reserve in 1996.

¹ 830 kilos of this total relates to the sale of rubber to an intermediary at his business in Xapuri and not in the forest. The rubber tapper recieved US$.80 per kilo.

Table 2. Selling place for Brazil nuts, selling price, percent of sales per location, travel time to selling point in three communities in the Chico Mendes Extractive Reserve in Acre, Brazil in 1996.

Table 3. Price in US dollars of basic products at diverse trade outlets in Xapuri in 1997.